Hello! Trust me, I would also be very pleased to be with you in Paris and have this discussion, but the extremely difficult security situation and the need to manage our foreign policy from Kyiv forced me to stay in Kyiv, so now I am addressing you online. Today, by the way, the OSCE Chairman-in-Office is visiting Ukraine, the Normandy format advisers are holding talks in Berlin, and we have this discussion with you. These are all components of our common diplomatic efforts. I express my gratitude to the French Institute of International Relations, to the New Europe Center, and to the Naftogaz for making this event possible.

What can I say, you all read the news and know that due to Russia's irresponsible actions, Europe has found itself in a situation of the highest tension for many decades. The generation of our parents remembers the terrible days of the Cold War, when the world was repeatedly teetering on the brink of large-scale armed conflict, and diplomats worked practically sleeplessly to divert the world from this edge. Today, Ukrainian diplomacy is working in such an intensified anti-crisis mode. Fortunately, as of now, we and our partners are able to keep the situation under control and keep Russia in line with diplomacy.

I am deeply sorry that today we are discussing such topics, crisis topics. But Russia's leadership has decided to turn back time. And so we have to work. I am sorry that Europe and millions of Europeans, including forty million Ukrainians, are reading disturbing news every day. I am sorry that, for the second time in less than a hundred years, Europe is overshadowed by an aggressive authoritarian state that seeks a way to take revenge and redesign the security architecture on the continent, and in doing so uses threats and weapons. At the end of the day, I am sorry that the very words "Cold War", "revenge", "security architecture" have returned to everyday use. Ukraine does not need this aggravation. The actions of the Russian leadership brought us all back to the darkness of confrontation. Russia has drawn more than 100,000 troops to the borders of Ukraine and the temporarily occupied Crimea for no real reason. All the stories about the mythical threat from NATO, about some fictitious threats from Ukraine - we all understand perfectly well that this is nonsense.

In my speech today, I want to clarify. The first is how we got to this point. The second is where we are now and what challenges the Euro-Atlantic space is facing. After all, it is in Ukraine that the future of Europe and security architecture is being determined, which has been ensuring the peace and peaceful development of Europe for three decades. And thirdly, I want to talk today about what can be done to maintain and strengthen this security order in Europe, and what we are already doing to that end.

For many centuries, the Ukrainian people have fought for their full-fledged existence in the family of European nations. Kyiv was the capital of the medieval state, Russia, which chose close integration with Byzantium and the European world by accepting Baptism. For instance, our Princess Anne, daughter of Prince Yaroslav of Kyiv, was the wife of King Henry I of France. This is a clear indication of the close ties that existed then not between Russia and France, but between Kyivan Rus' and France. After the collapse of Rus`, Ukrainian elites gradually integrated into the Central European world. Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Wealthy Ukrainian princes played an important political role in the life of these geopolitical entities.

In the 17th century we created our own state called the Zaporozhian Army or later - the Hetmanate. The Russian Empire, which was gaining strength in the East, directed all its forces to its conquest. For many decades, Russia's military and non-military methods have succeeded in absorbing Ukrainian territories and depriving the Ukrainian people of their own state. But we have never lost hope that we will have our own state. For more than two and a half centuries, Ukrainians against their will were under the rule of Moscow and St. Petersburg. The only break was the attempt to create a Ukrainian state in the early 20th century, after the First World War. But the Bolsheviks, Communists, drowned it in blood, and Ukraine remained part of the USSR for another seventy years.

Today, some of you may be surprised by Ukraine's uncompromising desire to return to the Western world. But for us, this desire is something more than today's news. And it can surprise only those who know little about the true history of Ukraine. Ukrainians were born to be the free and full-fledged people of Europe. We have the right to freedom, which we won with weapons in arms. We also have a bitter experience of defeat behind us, from which we have drawn several conclusions. The first conclusion is - never allow anyone to deprive you from freedom and destroy your state, which protects this freedom. Because, in case of defeat, the Holodomor genocide, the Great Terror of Stalin, the repressions of the USSR, the Chernobyl catastrophe will await you. The second conclusion is to rely on your own forces, your own army and diplomacy. Having friends and partners is very important and we are strengthening this partnership coalition. But only the strong can reject ultimatums and agreements reached behind their backs. The third conclusion is that being under Moscow's control is a way to suppress freedom and annihilation. Therefore, I categorically reject any proposals for Ukraine, that have been voiced from time to time for many years, that Ukraine should be a "buffer" or "bridge" between East and West. We are not in the middle. We are part of the West. An integral part of it. And so it has happened historically. If the West is not ready to fully integrate us, we will still continue developing as part of the West. Until the West itself wants to join Ukraine.

Amid the historical struggle of the Ukrainian people for freedom and independence, for the right to equal existence in the family of European nations, the current escalation is just one of the episodes, tragic, but episodes. I assure you that Ukraine will pass this episode with dignity. However, today it is not just about our Ukrainian past and future. It is also about the past and the future of Europe in broader terms and France in particular.

In recent months, Putin has built up an unprecedented number of troops, for no real reason, has issued a series of ultimatums and plunged Europe into a deep security crisis. The ultimatums issued by the Kremlin, now in the form of documents, simply do not comprise acceptable solutions. Requirements to take or not take some countries into NATO, to withdraw troops from the Alliance’s territory, are unacceptable. This is not a starter for a discussion, it is a loaded revolver put on the table.

If all is clear with Russia, I don't quite understand why there are willing aides, analysts and experts in France and other democracies who think that Ukraine's renunciation of NATO can make Putin less aggressive. This wrong logic contradicts with historical facts. And here is just one of them. In 2010, Ukraine officially renounced its Euro-Atlantic aspirations by passing a special law. In early 2014, after four years of neutral non-aligned status, Russian tanks rolled across our state border into Crimea and Donbas, and this law, I emphasize, was in force. We were a non-aligned state. There were no conversations about joining NATO. The support for this policy in Ukraine did not reach 30%. However, the tanks still rolled. "Green men'' still appeared in Crimea. That is the question. How should Ukraine's neutral non-aligned status deter Putin now, if it did not deter him in 2014? The answer is obvious – in no way. The thing is not Ukraine's neutrality. The thing is Russia's aspirations.

I guess Moscow sincerely believes that the West is weak and divided. That the West is not ready to act and has no vision for the future. Probably, Russia has decided that now is the right time to maximize the degree of tension and demand concessions, threatening with force. The only thing that can stop Russia is the firmness and unity of the all democratic world and all of Europe, of which Ukraine is an integral part.

Ukraine is fighting and will fight for itself. Now it is a fight on the diplomatic front. Ukraine believes the political diplomatic solution is the only way to resolve the conflict. However, we are prepared for all scenarios. We are ready to fight because we know too well what happens if you give up. Now you are facing the challenge. Are France and other EU countries ready to defend themselves and all of Europe, as we know it, free and at peace, uphold its principles, its peace, its safe development and freedom? It is not a doubt, but simply a question that is worth raising seriously.

If the answer is yes, then we must act together. And now standing shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine means to stand, first of all, for our interests and our principles. Therefore, despite these moody conversations, I am optimistic about the future. I see that today the Euro-Atlantic community is more united than ever. Frankly, in 2014, the West was always a few steps behind Russia. Today the situation is different. Together, we are pursuing a powerful policy of deterring Russia from a new wave of aggression. It includes active diplomacy, tough sanctions in the event of further escalation, and enhanced defense assistance to Ukraine. The stronger Ukraine is today, the lower the risks of further escalation is. Everything is simple. The tons of defense weapons coming to Ukraine today from friendly countries are tons of arguments for peace and tranquility. We need all these weapons so as not to have to use them. It is evident that I believe in diplomacy. I believe that our unity and firmness in talking with Moscow will be stronger than the threats posed by it. Today, Russia has more than enough ways to solve all issues at the negotiating table. Let us talk, let us look for ways to solve problems, but without compromising on our basic principles. Without crossing the red lines. Compromises can lead to peace, but unilateral concessions on fundamental issues cannot. Such concessions only bring in war. And Europe must remember this too well.

Now let's talk about the future. The future of European security will be based on the strengthening of the security architecture, which has been ensuring the peace and prosperity of Europe for the past thirty years.

In order to make this security system more stable and update the “security software” of our continent, Ukraine offers its strategic vision.

Its first element is the strengthening of established blocs and organizations, such as the EU and NATO, as well as their strengthening through the creation of additional small alliances. These alliances include both members of these organizations and those who are not yet, or already not their members. Thanks to these alliances, Europe is getting bigger than itself, and it is doing so in a flexible format. Additional small alliances can provide an enlargement and a strengthening for the EU and NATO, not a counterweight to them. At a time when established alliances are having difficulties with the quickness and efficiency of reactions due to trivial antagonisms between some powerful members, additional compact alliances can act quickly and solve problems.

Ukraine already has three compact alliances. They are the Lublin Triangle with Lithuania and Poland, the Associated Trio with Georgia and Moldova, and our format of relationship with Turkey. They solve specific regional and practical problems quickly and efficiently. Europe also has several similar unions. These are the Weimar Triangle, the Central European Five, the Slavkov Format, and some others. The development of a European network of small alliances will contribute to the flexibility of the whole security architecture, not to its fragmentation. Decentralization will maintain stability in times of antagonism in international relations.

In the end, this network of communications will be integrated into a new security order that will be stronger and more resilient than the current one. It will be an evolutionary and peaceful improvement, not a restructuring of the security system through military catastrophe, threats, and ultimatums, as has happened in the past, or as Russia is now trying to do.

The second element. Europe will have to hold a stun gun of sanctions for some time. And also the courage to use it against those who violate the foundations of security. It is good that the European Union has developed such a package of sanctions against Russia. Even when we resolve the current security crisis created by Russia, this package of sanctions will remain ready. It will continue to be a deterrent to any attempts to encroach on Europe's security architecture in the future. Please agree with me, that in the situation when you live in a neighborhood with a serial maniac, it is better to have a stun gun not in the store, but right in your bag.

The third element of a great and peaceful future for Europe is a readiness for the new great ambitions. Europe needs sound ambitions, including Ukraine's membership in the EU and NATO. Why do I say ambitions? Because in order to become a global player, you need to play a big geopolitical game and build economic, political and security muscles. It's like football. It is impossible to win just sitting in defense, you need to counterattack. Of course, we are talking here only about diplomatic counterattacks.

Ukraine is a potential for Europe that can bring it to a new level of influence on the global arena. To achieve it, we need to reject fears, imaginary enlargement fatigue, hesitation and look to the future. You need to look at Ukraine through the prism of your relations with Ukraine, not through the prism of relations with Russia. The vague view that some EU countries used to have with regards to Ukraine’s future membership in the European Union has ceased to be constructive. We invite you to look to the future with us. Then we will have a clearer understanding of what to do to overcome the accumulated challenges. 

Thank you all for your attention and I am ready to answer a few questions.